The Jesus Christians. 9. The Human Trafficking Case in Argentina
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A moral panic about “cults” practicing “human trafficking” also hit the Argentine branch of the group. But they won the court case.
By Massimo Introvigne and María Vardé
May 13, 2025
Article 9 of 10. Read article 1, article 2, article 3, article 4, article 5, article 6, article 7, and article 8.
The Jesus Christians community based in Argentina, known as “Cómo Vivir Por Fe” (CVF), faced serious accusations of human trafficking following a complaint filed by the mother of a new member of the group, 32-year-old Micaela (not her real name), and an anti-cult activist named Pablo Salum. The case gained media notoriety when the media began referring to the community as “the horror cult” and “the kidney cult.” In many television programs, the accusations were presented as facts, without offering the Jesus Christians the right to reply.
The community endured raids, interrogations, and intense public scrutiny for several months. In the Argentine legal framework, the crime of human trafficking is defined as the recruitment, transfer, reception, or harboring of persons for the purpose of exploitation.
Recruitment involves luring the victims with deceptive promises and then exploiting them sexually or for labor. Receiving or harboring refers to placing the victims where they will be exploited or transferring them to another location for that purpose. This crime, considered extremely serious, objectifies human beings to obtain benefits at the expense of their freedom and self-determination. The penalties range from eight to fifteen years in prison, depending on whether the exploitation was consummated and whether the victim is a minor.
The case began when the Office of the Prosecutor for Trafficking and Exploitation of Persons (PROTEX) received an email sent by Pablo Salum. In this message, Salum claimed that CVF “recruited” people by manipulating them into leaving their families, studies, jobs, and friends, forcing them to work “24 hours for Jesus.” According to his complaint, the members had to sell all their possessions and hand over the money to the group, whose leaders allegedly exploited the victims for profit. Furthermore, he claimed that some of the members had to live on the street and feed themselves with leftovers from trash. The complaint concluded with a more serious accusation: that there were children in the group who could be “abused in some way.”
Pablo Salum is an activist who offers paid advice to relatives of people who join religious groups that he describes as “coercive organizations” or “cults.” Without specific professional training, Salum presents himself as the leader of the organization “Red Librementes” (Free Minds Network), dedicated, according to him, to denouncing “cults” and “empowering” the public. However, in practice, Salum is the only visible figure of this “network” in the media and court cases. His “expertise” is based on his self-proclaimed status as a “surviving victim” of the Buenos Aires Yoga School (Escuela de Yoga de Buenos Aires, EYBA), from which he claims his mother and siblings were “recruited” while he managed to “escape.” However, his account has been denied by his own relatives and by other members of EYBA.
Recently, former followers of Salum have created a profile on X to denounce the contradictions in his testimonies, accusing him of using a false story of victimization to manipulate his followers and fabricate false testimonies (@LEYANTISECTAS1). Salum has denounced numerous organizations for human trafficking, including EYBA, arguing that the anti-trafficking law is the only effective legal avenue for taking action against “cults,” since “brainwashing” and mere membership in a “cult” are not crimes in Argentina or in most democratic countries. Moreover, in a video on his YouTube channel, Salum admits to having collaborated with state agents to influence the testimony of a witness in the CVF case.
In this way, Salum has developed a scheme in which groups that receive voluntary work from their members are considered “coercive organizations” that exploit and traffic their members, through the use of “brainwashing” or “coercive persuasion,” to enrich their leaders. His accusations are based on definitions and bibliography from the anti-cult group Invictus, based in Barcelona but with an international reach, and on the theories of American psychologist Margaret Singer (1921–2003), which were regarded as not being part of the mainline science in the 1990 “Fishman” decision. Salum’s list of “cults” has grown over time, ranging from tarot readers to the Catholic Discalced Carmelite nuns and Freemasonry. On his website, he describes the representatives of the federation that groups together Evangelical churches in Argentina as “sinister characters.” He also stated that “75%” of the religions registered in Argentina are “criminal organizations.”
Salum led a person of undisclosed identity (later identified as Micaela’s mother) to make the initial statement against CVF by calling the 145 trafficking hotline. Then, he expanded on the accusations, working with PROTEX. She added that Micaela had abandoned her 13-year-old daughter when she joined the community, and that joining the movement involved international travel for evangelizing purposes.
This statement presents obvious contradictions. Initially, the complainant stated that Micaela was held incommunicado from the beginning, during the probationary period. Later, she contradicted this statement by indicating that the incommunicado time began once that period was over. Later, she offered screenshots of WhatsApp conversations showing that communication persisted even after Micaela was permanently residing in the community.
In its preliminary investigation, after several pages dedicated to describing “coercive persuasion,” PROTEX argued that it had evidence that CVF was a “coercive organization” or “cult” that had recruited Micaela using techniques of attraction and manipulation, taking advantage of her vulnerability. However, the “evidence” of the “recruitment” was limited to the existence of the community’s websites and YouTube channels, the testimonies of Salum and Micaela’s mother, and the fact that Micaela had expressed her desire to make a drastic change in her life and become a “follower of Jesus.”
The “proof” that her critical thinking had been diminished was that Micaela asked her family to read the Bible so they could discuss her decision. In PROTEX’s arguments, the “deceptions” instilled by CVF in its victim were just their interpretation of the Bible. The belief in the end of the world and in the Mark of the Beast, themes present in the Holy Scriptures, were interpreted by PROTEX, Salum, and Micaela’s family as evidence that a technology of “psychological domination” was at work.
Furthermore, PROTEX claimed that CVF had kidnapped Micaela, citing the assistance of two community members in loading her belongings onto a freight truck on the day she moved. However, it was revealed that Micaela had hired the truck herself, not the community. This claim was further contradicted by Micaela’s mother, who initially stated in her complaint that the truck driver provided her with Micaela’s new address. This assertion was later found to be untrue. Moreover, during media coverage of the case, Micaela’s mother publicly claimed she was unaware of her daughter’s whereabouts and desperately searched for her, despite one such statement being filmed directly in front of the house where Micaela resided. This discrepancy highlights significant inconsistencies in the complainant’s narrative.
The file documents Micaela’s family recording a video of the transfer event, which shows Micaela asking her teenage daughter if she wanted to live with her. This presents a third evident contradiction in the case, as it was initially claimed that Micaela had abandoned her daughter, whereas the evidence indicates otherwise. However, PROTEX interpreted Micaela’s action as an “attempt to recruit her daughter,” which they viewed as evidence of the successful implementation of a “brainwashing” process.
PROTEX maintained that Micaela’s residence within the community was proof that she had been taken in for exploitation by the organization. According to the prosecutor’s office, the evidence of exploitation included Micaela’s resignation from her job, the sale of her non-essential assets, her participation in preaching activities, and her involvement in maintenance tasks such as cleaning, painting, and decorating the house alongside other community members.
Additionally, PROTEX argued that Micaela was vulnerable due to an “extremely weak emotional situation.” The alleged causes of this vulnerability, as stated in the file, were Micaela’s recent separation from her partner (which, according to her, was not that recent) and her status as a woman. The latter factor, according to PROTEX, represented a disadvantage due to her insertion “in a religious structure, traditionally characterized by macho beliefs and stereotypes about women,” which constituted “a concrete and objective factor of structural vulnerability.” It is crucial to note that at no point was an objective analysis presented regarding the organization, its belief system, or the internal relationships within the group to suggest that machismo was present.
The prosecutor’s office also suggested the need to investigate the possibility that the “criminal organization” promoted “organ donation and forced extraction” among its members. To justify this accusation, PROTEX argued that McKay had a criminal record for the illegal sale of organs. The criminal “evidence” of this was the statement from Salum and an anonymous comment published on a blog called “Camino al regreso.” This blog belongs to a community of former New Agers who speak out against various religious and spiritual currents. However, no testimony from a “victim” of the organization was present on the blog. Instead, the alleged evidence consisted of a note that merely transcribed negative comments from YouTube users on the channel “Una voz en el desierto” (A Voice in the Desert).
The case was heard in the Federal Criminal and Correctional Court of Tres de Febrero, in the Province of Buenos Aires. Based on the arguments presented by PROTEX, the court ordered a series of measures that included the search of the CVF premises to seize items relevant to the investigation, and the evaluation of Micaela by qualified personnel to determine if there were indicators of human trafficking. In addition, testimonies were taken from other members of the congregation. In their accounts, the interviewees agreed that their entry into the community had been voluntary. They also stressed that, although there were leaders in the organization of some activities, there were no perceived differences in status between the different members in the group’s daily life, and they all lived in similar conditions.
The court noted that the evidence contradicted the alleged isolation of the group’s members, as the analysis of the seized cell phones revealed that the household members shared them. The recorded dialogues show that the users contacted third parties with whom, in general terms, they conversed affectionately about family matters. Likewise, it was verified that Micaela “maintained a periodic, fluid, and affectionate bond with her mother and daughter.”
The opinion of the psychological experts who examined Micaela and Flor, a 29‑year-old woman who had also been identified as a presumed victim of trafficking by PROTEX due to a previous complaint by her ex-husband, was conclusive: “No elements were identified that alluded to threats, victimization, vulnerability, subjugation, deception, emotional control, intimidation, pressure, or violation of free will exercised by the accused towards the persons examined, neither prior to, nor during, nor after the alleged events described in the proceedings.” Therefore, they concluded that “there is no evidence to suggest that ‘they are in a situation of human trafficking, psychopathological conditions that could have interfered with the understanding and clarity of their actions at the time of their participation in the ‘Cómo vivir por fe’ sect.’”
Regarding the two minors living in the community, the staff of the Directorate of Childhood and Adolescence of the Secretariat of Human Development of the Municipality of Tres de Febrero interviewed them. It ruled out any situation indicating a violation of their rights. Finally, the court evaluated the testimony of a young man who had lived with the community for a month on a trial period, who spoke negatively about the group and claimed that it forced its followers to hate their families and distance themselves from them. However, in the same testimony, the young man claimed that he was always in contact with his family. The analysis of the seized cell phones showed that he never lost contact with his sister and that, when his father fell ill, the community helped him to return to his home province and told him that the door was always open for him to come back.
The court’s conclusion on this testimony was equally forceful: “In this regard, the court cannot ignore, as the defense also emphasizes, the accredited interference of the aforementioned Pablo Salum in the testimony. This is because he interviewed the young man before he testified, and this interview shows that he already had a formed and negative opinion about the work of the religious community and therefore undoubtedly influenced the analysis that the witness provided to the court. Proof of this is that J. admits that the mention included in the case file, relating to the alleged coercive organ donation, was introduced by him [Salum] and that the matter was never discussed in the community.”
Based on all the evidence gathered, on November 28, 2022, the court decided to dismiss the case and return to the community all the items seized in the raids. Surprisingly, this decision received no mention in any Argentine media outlet, including those that had previously denounced CVF as a “horror cult.” Because of this, the CVF community created a YouTube channel called “Corona de Espinas” (Crown of Thorns) where they published detailed information about the case, Micaela’s personal testimonies, and a strong criticism of Salum’s claims.
To better understand Micaela’s experience, one of us (Vardé) conducted a personal one-on-one interview with her. The interview was arranged privately by email and took place in a Buenos Aires coffee shop. For approximately two hours, Vardé was able to ask her about her life in the community, her family relationships, and her experience during the criminal case.
Her willingness to tell her story showed spontaneity and good humor, making for an enjoyable and intimate chat. Micaela told Vardé that she met the Jesus Christians in 2020 through videos on the internet, found the group’s proposals consistent with her feelings, and decided to start a trial period after a few months of contact. Before making this decision, she spoke to her 13-year-old daughter, giving her the opportunity to choose whether to live with her or with her father. Her daughter chose to live with her father, but they maintained a good relationship.
Micaela explained to Vardé that the decision to join the community did not imply cutting ties with her family (a claim consistently supported by the evidence), but rather making a radical change towards a life aligned with her religious beliefs. She recalled that her daughter, her father, and an aunt visited her several times in the community. In tears, she stated that the most difficult decision had been to stop living with her daughter, whom she loves deeply. For this reason, she always wanted to maintain daily contact and demonstrate to her daughter that she would always be there for her. She also sought to maintain an affectionate relationship with her mother and sister despite their resistance to her decision, even begging them to visit her. Unfortunately, this did not happen; instead, they contacted Pablo Salum.
The trafficking case took her by surprise, although she remembers that the raids took place the day after her mother and sister made a video with Pablo Salum in which they said that Micaela had been “captured” by a “cult” that planned to send her abroad and force her to donate a kidney.
Micaela described the legal process as intensely overwhelming and confusing, particularly given her mother’s public statements in the media and courts claiming she was unaware of Micaela’s whereabouts. Micaela shared that, despite her initial reservations about sharing her address due to perceived hostility from her family, her mother and sister accompanied her to the door of her apartment on the day she moved. Additionally, she reported visiting them alone on several occasions.
Regarding the accusation that the community “eats from trash,” Micaela clarified that this is an exaggeration. She explained that the community practices “freeganism,” which involves recovering food discarded by shops that remains in good condition—a practice not unique to the Jesus Christians, and also adopted by various religious and secular groups for reasons of frugality or environmentalism. While acknowledging that they do not always obtain everything needed for a varied diet through freeganism, Micaela noted that they purchase necessary items with money when required. She also denied the claim that members of CVF never use money.
The media exposure surrounding Micaela’s case had profound repercussions on her life. She shared with Vardé that her friends were moved to tears upon seeing her, as they had believed she might not have survived after the news went viral. Micaela expressed her reluctance to go out in public, fearing she would be labeled a “bad mother.” She also expressed anger toward her mother and sister, feeling they had dismissed her perspective and instead adopted Salum’s beliefs. Eventually, she resumed contact with them, avoiding discussions about the community and focusing on shared interests to rebuild their relationship. More recently, Micaela’s mother reached out to the community for help caring for a seriously ill aunt. Now, Micaela spends several days a week looking after her.
Finally, when asked about her views on altruistic organ donation, Micaela admitted that, despite understanding the motivations of some members who had donated kidneys, she herself harbors a strong aversion to invasive medical procedures, including blood draws. Consequently, the idea of becoming a donor had never crossed her mind.
This legal case is by no means an exception. In Argentina, the actions of anti‑trafficking agencies such as PROTEX have increasingly intertwined the concept of “vulnerability” with the pseudoscientific theory of “brainwashing” to interpret crimes involving NRMs. Authors like Introvigne, Palmer, and Vardé highlight how these agencies utilize the notion of vulnerability to justify interventions against groups labeled as “cults,” arguing that members are manipulated through coercive persuasion. This approach is evident in the case against CVF, where the prosecution relied on the idea that members were “brainwashed” and thus incapable of autonomous decision-making. By conflating human trafficking with theories of coercive persuasion, the authorities create a biased framework that undermines the personal agency of individuals within these movements, leading to unjust accusations and legal actions based on flawed premises.
The case garnered significant media attention, largely due to the strategic use of sensationalist terminology such as “horror cult.” Many media outlets perpetuated the accusations without fact-checking or consulting independent sources, thereby exacerbating the stigma against CVF and reinforcing broader cultural prejudices against NRMs. Typically, such allegations are grounded in subjective perceptions and negative interpretations of personal choices made by group members.
The legal and social repercussions were profound, as members faced not only raids and interrogations but also substantial erosion of privacy and reputation. This scenario underscores the importance of responsible media practices in reporting on religious groups to avoid perpetuating stereotypes and ensuring a more nuanced understanding of complex social dynamics.
Source: bitterwinter.org
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