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Uyghur Genocide: And the Culprit Is—Xi Jinping

New evidence conclusively proves that the President personally planned the anti-Uyghur campaign in all details.

By Ruth Ingram


Xi Jinping during his July 2022 visit to Xinjiang. From Weibo.

The President of China has appointed himself arbiter and judge over every Uyghur in his domain to achieve his ultimate goal of “ethnic extinction.”

From the heights of the lofty Tianshan in the far West, to the deepest deserts of the South and the desolate wastes of the Gobi to the East, Xi Jinping’s micro-management of every dotted “i” and crossed “t” in the Uyghur heartland has been uncovered by a U.K. researcher probing where the buck stops in the far Northwest.

Everything a Uyghur does, whether it is speaking their own language, practicing their religion or naming a child, whether it is wearing a long dress, sporting a beard, enjoying Uyghur literature or reading the Quran, comes under the microscope of Xi, according to David Tobin, a Lecturer in East Asian Studies at the University of Sheffield and the author of “Securing China’s Northwest Frontier: Identity and Insecurity in Xinjiang” (Cambridge University Press 2020), in his treatise “The ‘Xinjiang Papers’: How Xi Jinping Commands Policy in the People’s Republic of China.”

Justifying the acceleration of mass internments, extra judicial round ups, and intense surveillance of the province from 2016 by designating the entire Uyghur population as a “security threat,” Tobin explores how President Xi has got away with literally murder, not to mention the still ongoing catalogue of human rights atrocities. His deep suspicion of the Turkic peoples has turned China’s Western flank into a virtual open prison, and peppered the region with an Orwellian network of prisons and detention facilities from which few emerge as free citizens.

David Tobin. From Twitter.

Tobin’s recently released probe into the “Xinjiang Papers,” a cache of 400 pages of internal Chinese documents leaked in 2019, detailing lines of command and orders to “show no mercy,” has unearthed new evidence to prove Xi’s march towards a “totalitarian model,” where “personalized rule, mass mobilization and surveillance, ideological education, and transformation of thought” would be central.

Tobin goes further than other analysts in revealing Xi’s arbitrariness in rewarding compliance but quelling opposition and severely punishing leaders who demure. None are left who dare to stand against genocidal policies, cultural destruction, arbitrary mass detention or community dispersal. Disobedience carries life changing penalties.

The report takes the reader into the nerve center of decision making at the highest levels, and the thinking at the top behind statements such as “round up all those who should be rounded up,” show “absolutely no mercy,” and “break their lineage, break their roots, break their connections, and break their origins.”

Assuming the helm as CCP Party General Secretary in 2012, Xi put an end to presidential term limits, and appointed himself the sole driver of policy and decision making in the country. Xi Jinping “thoughts” would move the country forward.

Indisputably outing Xi as the sole architect of the drive to assimilate Uyghurs into mainstream Han Chinese culture, Tobin’s research shows how his speeches dating back to 2014 have been interpreted and unfalteringly acted on by regional chiefs. The fear of being exposed as “two-faced” or half-hearted, drives local officials to passionately implement whatever comes from the top, erring on the side of zeal over caution.

Uyghur historical claims to the land, are swept aside by Xi’s own interpretation of Xinjiang’s “inalienable” link with Chinese rule, a “family linked through blood,” and the Sinicization of Islam has become a priority.

Two secret files, Documents 5 and 10, carry the blueprint for the future with ethnic unity, the dangers of separatism, religion, and instability topping the list.

Xi Jinping visits Xinjiang University, July 12, 2022. From Weibo.

Xi Jinping’s own amended history of the Turkic peoples on his westernmost border, slates the separatists’ “anti-historical error” of trying to “dismember” China. He makes Uyghurs direct descendants of Chinese ethnic groups. Sinicization alone, claims Xi, will protect China from imperialist infiltration. Students are drawn into the fiction with compulsory courses on, “The 50 Why’s,” published after the ethnic riots in July 2009. They are told that Uyghurs are not Turkic, or Islamic, notions reserved for the “three evils” (separatism, terrorism, and extremism). This revised narrative was important for a new generation of thinkers to understand.

Xi’s speeches point clearly to “ethnic extinction” being the ultimate goal, as the masses were mobilized for his “War on Terror” at home. “Neighborhood watch,” “coast guards,” “self-defense” and “anti-terror hotlines” were all set up, as whistle blowers and a million cadres were dispersed to live with and “become family” with Uyghurs around Xinjiang, Xi’s euphemism for a region-wide informing network to root out resistance to his master plan.

Xi’s goals for Xinjiang and its native peoples were evident from the outset. Classified “Document 2” could not have made things clearer. His 2014 rallying cry filtered down to cadres in 2016 as mass detentions were underway, urging all to climb aboard with his vision to revive the Motherland. “Xinjiang is the frontline and combat theatre of fighting terrorism, infiltration, and separatism,” he said. “So all ethnic work is directly related to ‘social stability,’ ‘long-term stability,’” and the “overall situation of the whole nation’s development, unification of the motherland (zuguo), ethnic unity, national security, and great revival of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua minzu).”

The edicts and their dissemination were directly responsible for a climate of terror, not only among ordinary citizens, but among cadres charged with their implementation. Fear of veering from the CCP line and the threat of punishment, drove local officials into a frenzy of mass lawlessness, roundups, regardless of age or “crime,” draconian surveillance, house to house searches, and irrational punishment of “thought crimes” such as “rigid thoughts” or “unstable thoughts” in the absence of actual crimes deserving punishment. A Pinteresque world of absurd pronouncements and rulings pervaded life for everyday citizens as Xi’s speeches filtered down to the grass roots.

Security drill at the Tekes Detention Center. From the Xinjiang Police Files.

The “War on Terror” continues to this day, and the orders from the top have become increasingly irrational and nebulous. The incoherence of “ideological and cultural” security has created a world in which simply being a Uyghur or a Kazakh is a crime.

“Within the totalitarian logic of ‘ideological security,’” Uyghur and other non-Han groups’ identification with language, history, and religion are, by default, national security threats, reflected in mass detention practices and the “75 signs” of “religious extremism,” says Tobin.

Xi Jinping’s insistence that his policies are “completely correct” leads Tobin to conclude pessimistically that it will be business as usual for some time in the Middle Kingdom. Despite the intense period of mass internment showing signs of winding down, there is still an urgent need for the global community to address a genocide unfolding as a result of Xi’s pronouncements against the Uyghur people, and to put the blame for the crimes against humanity committed on his watch, squarely at his feet.

A long-term strategy must be developed to thwart Xi’s end game, not only to prevent the assimilation of the Uyghur race within the Chinese mainland, but also to support the exiled communities scattered throughout the world; to offer safe havens and to prevent the long arm of the CCP from trawling them back.

Xi is deeply threatened by democracy and the concept of human rights, and he personally commands every aspect of state terror that amounts to genocide.

Tackling the issues is complex and far reaching for the democratic world, says Tobin. “The implications of Xi’s political and social transformation affect every aspect of formal relations with PRC citizens and demand a deeper, longer-term strategic rethink amongst democratic policymakers.”

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